Free Essays on Freefall

For what reason does a baseball that is tossed follow an allegorical way? This inquiry is fundamental to the investigation of shot movement. Galileo was one of the first to contemplate shot movement. He accurately reasoned that piece of the movement of a shot, (for example, the baseball) was quickened and some portion of its movement was uniform. Assume that a slug is stacked into the barrel of a firearm. Another indistinguishable shot is held at a similar stature as the projectile in the barrel of the firearm. Right now that the slug is discharged from the firearm, the held projectile is dropped. Which hits the ground first? The right answer? The two of them hit the ground simultaneously! As per Newton's first law of movement (the law of idleness), the projectile shot from the weapon will proceed moving at a similar speed except if followed up on by an outside power. The flat movement of the discharged projectile is consistent. The descending movement of the two slugs is equivalent to a body in free-fall. Vertically, the two projectiles are consistently quickened by gravity. The two projectiles are indistinguishable and are dropped from a similar tallness. The main thing that makes the projectiles hit the ground is gravity, and it follows up on both the equivalent. The outcome - the two slugs hit the ground simultaneously. The bended way of the baseball, or any anticipated article, is the consequence of both of these two movements happening at the same time. The shot's flat movement is steady and its vertical movement is quickened by gravity. Show Level Motion of a Projectile Envision that a ball is propelled on a level plane at 2 m/s. Compute its situation at 0.05 sec spans. time in seconds position in centimeters 0.05 sec 10 cm 0.10 sec 20 cm 0.15 sec 30 cm 0.20 sec 40 cm 0.25 sec 50 cm 0.30 sec 60 cm 0.35 sec 70 cm 0.40 sec 80 cm 0.45 sec 90 cm 0.50 sec 100 cm Vertical Motion of a Projectile Balance strings with washers on the finishes on a meter stick speaking to the vertical movement of a ball in free fall at 0.05 ... Free Essays on Freefall Free Essays on Freefall For what reason does a baseball that is tossed follow an allegorical way? This inquiry is key to the investigation of shot movement. Galileo was one of the first to consider shot movement. He accurately found that piece of the movement of a shot, (for example, the baseball) was quickened and some portion of its movement was uniform. Assume that a shot is stacked into the barrel of a firearm. Another indistinguishable projectile is held at a similar tallness as the slug in the barrel of the weapon. Right now that the projectile is shot from the firearm, the held slug is dropped. Which hits the ground first? The right answer? The two of them hit the ground simultaneously! As per Newton's first law of movement (the law of inactivity), the projectile discharged from the weapon will proceed moving at a similar speed except if followed up on by an outside power. The even movement of the shot projectile is consistent. The descending movement of the two projectiles is equivalent to a body in free-fall. Vertically, the two shots are consistently quickened by gravity. The two projectiles are indistinguishable and are dropped from a similar tallness. The main thing that makes the shots hit the ground is gravity, and it follows up on both the equivalent. The outcome - the two slugs hit the ground simultaneously. The bended way of the baseball, or any anticipated article, is the aftereffect of both of these two movements happening at the same time. The shot's even movement is steady and its vertical movement is quickened by gravity. Show Level Motion of a Projectile Envision that a ball is propelled on a level plane at 2 m/s. Figure its situation at 0.05 sec spans. time in seconds position in centimeters 0.05 sec 10 cm 0.10 sec 20 cm 0.15 sec 30 cm 0.20 sec 40 cm 0.25 sec 50 cm 0.30 sec 60 cm 0.35 sec 70 cm 0.40 sec 80 cm 0.45 sec 90 cm 0.50 sec 100 cm Vertical Motion of a Projectile Balance strings with washers on the closures on a meter stick speaking to the vertical movement of a ball in free fall at 0.05 ...

Philippines vs. China in the South China Sea - MyAssignmenthelp

Question: Talk about thePhilippines versus China in the South China Sea. Answer: The opening of the Philippines body of evidence against China related with claims in the contested South China Sea was heard by a five man board of judges at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Philippines depends on the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and would like to persuade the council that locale is available for the court to hear the debate and intercede. Philippines accept that this issue is of most extreme centrality for the nation, the district and for the world. Thusly, it is additionally of the feeling that this case is of most extreme significance for the respectability of the UNCLOS and the very texture of legitimate request in the ocean (Forbes and Henley, 2012). In this sense, it tends to be said that it isn't just the case made by Philippines that is in question however it is the worldwide law or all the more especially the UNCLOS. The purpose for this contest is that China makes a case for the objective of the South China Sea. China's case depends on the antiquated Chinese maps. In these maps, it has been demonstrated that Chinese action was occurring in the islands even hundreds of years prior (Emmers, 2007). Different nations that are a piece of the contest as their own reason for their cases however none of these nations asserts as much territory as is guaranteed by China with the exception of Taiwan. Be that as it may, in the current case, the case made by Philippines depends on geology and furthermore on the legitimate standard of Res nullius. As per this rule, it has been referenced that if an item is ownerless, it is liberated to be possessed (Bautista, 2011). After the World War II, Japan, with control these islands had surrendered its control, and with no specific recipient, making them free for addition. In addition, if there should be an occurrence of geology all the islands that are guaranteed by P hilippines fall inside the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Philippines inside 200 nautical miles. The relations among Philippines and China began to turn out to be increasingly threatening in the South China Sea after the recording of this case in 2013. For instance, the Navy of Philippines was secured a stalemate with the oceanic observation boats of China in 2013 close the contested Scarborough Shoal. After this episode, there have been different stalemates and occurrences that have occurred between the two countries. For instance, the joint military bores that were held by Philippines alongside the United States and Japan close to this contested region had likewise compounded the relations between the two nations. With respect to debate, it has been asserted by Philippines that the non-dabbed line guarantee that has been made by China isn't substantial. The explanation given by Philippines is that such a case abuses the arrangements of UNCLOS understanding with respect to the select financial zones (EEZs) and regional oceans. Besides, Philippines additionally asserts that the explanation that the vast majority of the highlights in the South China Sea like the Spartly Islands are not fit for supporting life, they can't be given their own mainland rack as characterized by the UNCLOS. Then again, China had would not partake in the intervention. It guarantees that it has various bargains with the Philippines in which it hosts been unmistakably expressed that the gatherings will utilize two-sided arrangements to determine outskirt debates present between them. Simultaneously, China had additionally blamed Philippines that it had damaged the intentional Declaration on Conduct of Parties in South China Sea. This affirmation was made among ASEAN and China in 2002. It likewise specifies that reciprocal arrangements will be utilized by the gatherings to determine any outskirt or different questions that might be available between them. In such manner, a position paper was likewise given by China in 2014. It was contended in this paper the South China Sea debate can't be settled by discretion (Bautista, 2009). The explanation was that at last it was an issue related with sway and not with the abuse of rights. Notwithstanding, the refusal of China won't forestall the Perma nent Court of Arbitration council to continue with this case (Emmers, 2007). It likewise should be referenced that the two Philippines and China have communicated their interests in regards to exposing their regional cases to the International Court of Justice as it had the power to really mediate on the cases related with sway. In this manner, to put it plainly, it tends to be said that the universal law can't be utilized as an instrument to legitimately resolve the questions related with power. Correspondingly, regardless of whether Philippines wins the inquiry related with ward, still there will be a long round of hearings and explanations before the council can articulate a last decision. All things considered, the Tribunal will give one more opportunity to China to react to the claim made by Philippines at each round of hearings. Then again, if all the fundamental contentions made by Philippines are completely turned somewhere near the Tribunal then it is conceivable that Philippines may find that its legitimate case has finished suddenly. In such a case, Philippines will be required to totally reexamine its methodology in regards to the South China ocean question. References Bautista, Lowell B. (2009) The Historical Background, Geographical Extent and Legal Bases of the Philippine Territorial Water Claim The Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 8 (2) Bautista, Lowell B. (2011) Philippine Territorial Boundaries: Internal Tensions, Colonial Baggage, Ambivalent Conformity Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Malaya Emmers, R (2007), The De-acceleration of the Spratly Dispute in Sino-Southeast Asian Relations, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Working Paper (129) Emmers, Ralf (2007), The De-acceleration of the Spratly Dispute in Sino-Southeast Asian Relations, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Working Paper (129) Forbes, An and Henley, D (2012) Vietnam Past and Present: The North (Sino-Viet relations in Paracels and Spratlys) Chiang Mai, Cognoscenti Books ASIN

Prepping for Your First Day

Prepping for Your First Day Leaving for college feels like a day that would never come, but its finally here. Getting ready can feel like a daunting task, but with a little time and effort, you can feel ready to leave by move-in day. Heres a couple of suggestions on what to do the weeks before you arrive on campus. Do Your Research A couple of months ago, I had so many questions coming into college. I thought, How am I going to find my classes? and, What am I going to even do when I get there? Luckily, there are so many resources to find information, whether it be the University website, a friend, or even the Admissions blog. One place I found particularly helpful is the Illinois Student Affairs app. Whether youre an incoming freshman, transfer student, or international student, you can create your schedule of orientation activities that apply to you and your major. Some events listed are helpful like the Course Schedule Tours and others are fun social ones like watching a movie at Memorial Stadium. Theres also a map of campus and links to many helpful places like the McKinley Health Center and the Counseling Center. Pack Your Bags Whether you live close or far, picking what to move into your dorm can be the most stressful part of the move-in process. University housing is here to help with that too with a handy list of things to bring and things not to bring. If youre living in private housing, your list might be a little different, but its still super helpful to have a general guideline of what to pack. Checking to make sure you have everything before and after you buy things can reduce last-minute grocery and furniture runs. Say Goodbye One of the most common ailments college students can face is homesickness. Whether its one last time taking your dog around the block or going on a final late-night food excursion with your friends, try to enjoy the last moments in your hometown until fall break. Spending time with my family and friends and getting to enjoy their company a little while longer before I move away has been one of the most important things Ive done in preparing to leave. Going to college is one of the biggest life changes anyone goes through in their teenage years. Its easy to be nervous about it, but once you dispel the nerves, its a lot easier to get excited. I cant wait to experience college, and if youre reading this, I hope I made your leaving process at least a little bit easier! Noah Class of 2023 I’m studying Journalism in the College of Media. I’m from Park Ridge Illinois, about 30 minutes out of Chicago. My posts are to show my freshman experience and how I navigate my first year of college!

how to Order Mandarin Chinese in a Restaurant

When you are visiting China or Taiwan, you will have lots of opportunities to sample the local cuisine. Since food is a national passion, there are restaurants and food stalls almost everywhere. There are many different types of food available, from the various regional dishes of China to Korean, Japanese, and Western. Fast food outlets are in all major cities, and there are also upscale restaurants specializing in Western food - Italian seems to be the most popular. Restaurant Customs When you enter a restaurant, you will be asked how many people are in your party and will be shown to a table. If an English menu is not available, and you dont read Chinese, you will have to ask for help, either from the waiter or a Chinese friend. Most restaurants are open only during meal times - 11:30 to 1:00 for lunch and 5:30 to 7:00 for dinner. Snacks are available almost any time at coffee houses, tea shops, and street vendors. Meals are eaten relatively quickly, and it is customary to leave the restaurant as soon as everyone is finished. Usually, one person will pay for the whole group, so be sure to take your turn in paying for the meal. Tipping is not common in either Taiwan or China, and you usually pay for the meal at the cash register. Here are some phrases to help you order food in a restaurant. English Pinyin Traditional Characters Simplified Characters How many people are there? QÇ ngwà ¨n jÄ « wà ¨i? è «â€¹Ã¥â€¢ Ã¥ ¹ ¾Ã¤ ½ ? è ¯ ·Ã©â€" ®Ã¥â€¡  Ã¤ ½ ? There are ___ people (in our party). ___ wà ¨i. ___ ä ½ Ã¯ ½ ¡ ___ ä ½ Ã¯ ½ ¡ Smoking or non-smoking? ChÃ… uyÄ n ma? æŠ ½Ã§â€¦â„¢Ã¥â€"Ž? æŠ ½Ã§Æ'Ÿå â€"? Are you ready to order? KÄ›yÇ  diÇŽn cà  i le ma? Ã¥  ¯Ã¤ » ¥Ã© »Å¾Ã¨ Å"ä ºâ€ Ã¥â€"Ž? Ã¥  ¯Ã¤ » ¥Ã§â€š ¹Ã¨ Å"ä ºâ€ Ã¥ â€"? Yes, we are ready to order. WÇ’men yà  o diÇŽn cà  i. 我們è ¦ Ã© »Å¾Ã¨ Å"ï ½ ¡ 我ä » ¬Ã¨ ¦ Ã§â€š ¹Ã¨ Å"ï ½ ¡ Not yet, please give us a few more minutes. Hà ¡i mà ©i. Zà  i dÄ›ng yÄ «xià  . é‚„æ ²â€™. å† Ã§ ­â€°Ã¤ ¸â‚¬Ã¤ ¸â€¹Ã¯ ½ ¡ è ¿ËœÃ¦ ² ¡. å† Ã§ ­â€°Ã¤ ¸â‚¬Ã¤ ¸â€¹Ã¯ ½ ¡ I would like .... WÇ’ yà  o ... . 我è ¦ ... 我è ¦ ... . I will have this. WÇ’ yà  o zhà ¨gà ¨. 我è ¦ Ã©â‚¬â„¢Ã¥â‚¬â€¹Ã¯ ½ ¡ 我è ¦ Ã¨ ¿â„¢Ã¤ ¸ ªÃ¯ ½ ¡ That is for me. Shà ¬ wÇ’de. æ˜ ¯Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã§Å¡â€žÃ¯ ½ ¡ æ˜ ¯Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã§Å¡â€žÃ¯ ½ ¡ This is not what I ordered. Zhà ¨ bà ºshà ¬ wÇ’ diÇŽn de. 這ä ¸ Ã¦Ëœ ¯Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã© »Å¾Ã§Å¡â€žÃ¯ ½ ¡ è ¿â„¢Ã¤ ¸ Ã¦Ëœ ¯Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã§â€š ¹Ã§Å¡â€žÃ¯ ½ ¡ Please bring us some.... QÇ ng zà  i gÄ›i wÇ’men ... . è «â€¹Ã¥â€  Ã§ µ ¦Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã¥â‚¬â€˜...ï ½ ¡ è ¯ ·Ã¥â€  Ã§ »â„¢Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã¤ » ¬...ï ½ ¡ Could I have the bill? QÇ ng gÄ›i wÇ’ zhà  ngdÄ n. è «â€¹Ã§ µ ¦Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã¥ ¸ ³Ã¥â€" ®Ã¯ ½ ¡ è ¯ ·Ã§ »â„¢Ã¦Ë†â€˜Ã¥ ¸ Ã¥ â€¢Ã¯ ½ ¡ How much is it? DuÃ… shÇŽo qià ¡n? Ã¥ ¤Å¡Ã¥ °â€˜Ã©Å' ¢? Ã¥ ¤Å¡Ã¥ °â€˜Ã©â€™ ±? Can I pay by credit card? WÇ’ kÄ›yÇ  yà ²ng xà ¬nyà ²ngkÇŽ ma? 我å  ¯Ã¤ » ¥Ã§â€ ¨Ã¤ ¿ ¡Ã§â€ ¨Ã¥  ¡Ã¥â€"Ž? 我å  ¯Ã¤ » ¥Ã§â€ ¨Ã¤ ¿ ¡Ã§â€ ¨Ã¥  ¡Ã¥ â€"? The bill is not right. Zhà  ngdÄ n bà ¹duà ¬. Ã¥ ¸ ³Ã¥â€" ®Ã¤ ¸ Ã¥ ° Ã¯ ½ ¡ Ã¥ ¸ Ã¥ â€¢Ã¤ ¸ Ã¥ ¯ ¹Ã¯ ½ ¡

Defining Value Added Animation to Promote Positive Living...

DEFINING VALUE ADDED ANIMATION TO PROMOTE POSITIVE LIVING ENVIRONMENT: A CRITICAL STUDY OF UPIN AND IPIN Introduction The global animation industry is growing very fast, as practitioners, we are all caught up in the excitement of producing our own animated creations to keep abreast of trends and take advantage of the â€Å"hype†. However, there is a tendency to blindly follow animation styles that are already well established in popular culture. Located in Southeast Asia, Malaysia is strategically situated between the East and West and sandwiched between the great civilizations of China and India; thus it has always been exposed to different cultural influences that have shaped its local culture. Therefore, cultural adaptability and hybridity†¦show more content†¦Ã¢â‚¬Å"Malaysian animations are generally appealing†¦ the only concern I have is- I can’t really feel the uniqueness of Malaysian values that they should have†¦ Every one of those productions seems struggling to earn recognition...† He also pointed out, when looking at Malaysian animations, he could not see any elements that hold them as a whole. Every Malaysian animation that he has seen is very heavily influenced by others like Western and Japanese animations, whereas, Malaysian identities are hardly found. To him, as a product coming from a supposedly ‘unique’ country with unique cultures, it should strongly bear its own distinctive ‘trademark’ and can give positive examples to the audience. This unique characteristic could be an effective vehicle to educate audience at all level. As western and foreign influences in animation are very much the issue for Malaysian animation productions, it is very hard to pull ourselves away from this ‘norm’ since people are thinking that following ‘the trend’ is the right thing to do. Although to start with, animation shorts that were produced by National Film of Malaysia in the year 1983, directed and made possible by Hassan Mutalib, were quite interesting and can be considered as successful to portray Malaysian scene. It did not only have Malaysian flavours in its looks, the contents were also very much Malaysian.

The Source of Creativity in Writers Free Essays

string(105) " is accounted for by the motives of these two activities, which are nevertheless adjuncts to each other\." We laymen have always been intensely curious to know like the Cardinal who put a similar question to Ariosto – from what sources that strange being, the creative writer, draws his material, and how he manages to make such an impression on us with it and to arouse in us emotions of which, perhaps, we had not even thought ourselves capable. Our interest is only heightened the more by the fact that, if we ask him, the writer himself gives us no explanation, or none that is satisfactory; and it is not at all weakened by our knowledge that not even the clearest insight into the determinants of his choice of material and into the nature of the art of creating imaginative form will ever help to make creative writers of us. If we could at least discover in ourselves or in people like ourselves an activity which was in some way akin to creative writing! An examination of it would then give us a hope of obtaining the beginnings of an explanation of the creative work of writers. We will write a custom essay sample on The Source of Creativity in Writers or any similar topic only for you Order Now And, indeed, there is some prospect of this being possible. After all, creative writers themselves like to lessen the distance between their kind and the common run of humanity; they so often assure us that every man is a poet at heart and that the last poet will not perish till the last man does. Should we not look for the first traces of imaginative activity as early as in childhood The child’s best-loved and most intense occupation is with his play or games. Might we not say that every child at play behaves like a creative writer, in that he creates a world of his own, or, rather, re-arranges the things of his world in a new way which pleases him? It would be wrong to think he does not take that world seriously; on the contrary, he takes his play very seriously and he expends large amounts of emotion on it. The opposite of play is not what is serious but what is real. In spite of all the emotion with which he cathects his world of play, the child distinguishes it quite well from reality; and he likes to link his imagined objects and situations to the tangible and visible things of the real world. This linking is all that differentiates the child’s ‘play’ from ‘phantasying’. The creative writer does the same as the child at play. He creates a world of phantasy which he takes very seriously – that is, which he invests with large amounts of emotion while separating it sharply from reality. Language has preserved this relationship between children’s play and poetic creation. It gives [in German] the name of ‘Spiel’ [‘play’] to those forms of imaginative writing which require to be linked to tangible objects and which are capable of representation. It speaks of a ‘Lustspiel’ or ‘Trauerspiel’ [‘comedy’ or ‘tragedy’: literally, ‘pleasure play’ or ‘mourning play’] and describes those who carry out the representation as ‘Schauspieler’ [‘players’: literally ‘show-players’]. The unreality of the writer’s imaginative world, however, has very important consequences for the technique of his art; for many things which, if they were real, could give no enjoyment, can do so in the play of phantasy, and many excitements which, in themselves, are actually distressing, can become a source of pleasure for the hearers and spectators at the performance of a writer’s work. There is another consideration for the sake of which we will dwell a moment longer on this contrast between reality and play. When the child has grown up and has ceased to play, and after he has been labouring for decades to envisage the realities of life with proper seriousness, he may one day find himself in a mental situation which once more undoes the contrast between play and reality. As an adult he can look back on the intense seriousness with which he once carried on his games in childhood; and, by equating his ostensibly serious occupations of to-day with his childhood games, he can throw off the too heavy burden imposed on him by life and win the high yield of pleasure afforded by humour. As people grow up, then, they cease to play, and they seem to give up the yield of pleasure which they gained from playing. But whoever understands the human mind knows that hardly anything is harder for a man than to give up a pleasure which he has once experienced. Actually, we can never give anything up; we only exchange one thing for another. What appears to be a renunciation is really the formation of a substitute or surrogate. In the same way, the growing child, when he stops playing, gives up nothing but the link with real objects; instead playing, he now phantasies. He builds castles in the air and creates what are called day- dreams. I believe that most people construct phantasies at times in their lives. This is a fact which has long been overlooked and whose importance has therefore not been sufficiently appreciated. People’s phantasies are less easy to observe than the play of children. The child, it is true, plays by himself or forms a closed psychical system with other children for the purposes of a game; but even though he may not play his game in front of the grown-ups, he does not, on the other hand, conceal it from them. The adult, on the contrary, is ashamed of his phantasies and hides them from other people. He cherishes his phantasies as his most intimate possessions, and as a rule he would rather confess his misdeeds than tell anyone his phantasies. It may come about that for that reason he believes he is the only person who invents such phantasies and has no idea that creations of this kind are widespread among other people. This difference in the behaviour of a person who plays and a person who phantasies is accounted for by the motives of these two activities, which are nevertheless adjuncts to each other. You read "The Source of Creativity in Writers" in category "Papers" A child’s play is determined by wishes: in point of fact by a single wish-one that helps in his upbringing – the wish to be big and grown up. He is always playing at being ‘grown up’, and in his games he imitates what he knows about the lives of his elders. He has no reason to conceal this wish. With the adult, the case is different. On the one hand, he knows that he is expected not to go on playing or phantasying any longer, but to act in the real world; on the other hand, some of the wishes which give rise to his phantasies are of a kind which it is essential to conceal. Thus he is ashamed of his phantasies as being childish and as being unpermissible. But, you will ask, if people make such a mystery of their phantasying, how is it that we know such a lot about it? Well, there is a class of human beings upon whom, not a god, indeed, but a stern goddess – Necessity – has allotted the task of telling what they suffer and what things give them happiness. These are the victims of nervous illness, who are obliged to tell their phantasies, among other things, to the doctor by whom they expect to be cured by mental treatment. This is our best source of knowledge, and we have since found good reason to suppose that our patients tell us nothing that we might not also hear from healthy people. Let us now make ourselves acquainted with a few of the characteristics of phantasying. We may lay it down that a happy person never phantasies, only an unsatisfied one. The motive forces of phantasies are unsatisfied wishes, and every single phantasy is the fulfilment of a wish, a correction of unsatisfying reality. These motivating wishes vary according to the sex, character and circumstances of the person who is having the phantasy; but they fall naturally into two main groups. They are either ambitious wishes, which serve to elevate the subject’s personality; or they are erotic ones. In young women the erotic wishes predominate almost exclusively, for their ambition is as a rule absorbed by erotic trends. In young men egoistic and ambitious wishes come to the fore clearly enough alongside of erotic ones. But we will not lay stress on the opposition between the two trends; we would rather emphasize the fact that they are often united. Just as, in many altar- pieces, the portrait of the donor is to be seen in a corner of the picture, so, in the majority of ambitious phantasies, we can discover in some corner or other the lady for whom the creator of the phantasy performs all his heroic deeds and at whose feet all his triumphs are laid. Here, as you see, there are strong enough motives for concealment; the well-brought-up young woman is only allowed a minimum of erotic desire, and the young man has to learn to suppress the excess of self-regard which he brings with him from the spoilt days of his childhood, so that he may find his place in a society which is full of other individuals making equally strong demands. We must not suppose that the products of this imaginative activity – the various phantasies, castles in the air and day-dreams – are stereotyped or unalterable. On the contrary, they fit themselves in to the subject’s shifting impressions of life, change with every change in his situation, and receive from every fresh active impression what might be called a ‘date-mark’. The relation of a phantasy to time is in general very important. We may say that it hovers, as it were, between three times – the three moments of time which our ideation involves. Mental work is linked to some current impression, some provoking occasion in the present which has been able to arouse one of the subject’s major wishes. From there it harks back to a memory of an earlier experience (usually an infantile one) in which this wish was fulfilled; and it now creates a situation relating to the future which represents a fulfilment of the wish. What it thus creates is a day-dream or phantasy, which carries about it traces of its origin from the occasion which provoked it and from the memory. Thus past, present and future are strung together, as it were, on the thread of the wish that runs through them. A very ordinary example may serve to make what I have said clear. Let us take the case of a poor orphan boy to whom you have given the address of some employer where he may perhaps find a job. On his way there he may indulge in a day-dream appropriate to the situation from which it arises. The content of his phantasy will perhaps be something like this. He is given a job, finds favour with his new employer, makes himself indispensable in the business, is taken into his employer’s family, marries the charming young daughter of the house, and then himself becomes a director of the business, first as his employer’s partner and then as his successor. In this phantasy, the dreamer has regained what he possessed in his happy childhood – the protecting house, the loving parents and the first objects of his affectionate feelings. You will see from this example the way in which the wish makes use of an occasion in the present to construct, on the pattern of the past, a picture of the future. There is a great deal more that could be said about phantasies; but I will only allude as briefly as possible to certain points. If phantasies become over-luxuriant and over-powerful, the conditions are laid for an onset of neurosis or psychosis. Phantasies, moreover, are the immediate mental precursors of the distressing symptoms complained of by our patients. Here a broad by-path branches off into pathology. I cannot pass over the relation of phantasies to dreams. Our dreams at night are nothing else than phantasies like these, as we can demonstrate from the interpretation of dreams. Language, in its unrivalled wisdom, long ago decided the question of the essential nature of dreams by giving the name of ‘day-dreams’ to the airy creations of phantasy. If the meaning of our dreams usually remains obscure to us in spite of this pointer, it is because of the circumstance that at night there also arise in us wishes of which we are ashamed; these we must conceal from ourselves, and they have consequently been repressed, pushed into the unconscious. Repressed wishes of this sort and their derivatives are only allowed to come to expression in a very distorted form. When scientific work had succeeded in elucidating this factor of dream-distortion, it was no longer difficult to recognize that night-dreams are wish-fulfilments in just the same way as day-dreams – the phantasies which we all know so well.  ¹ Cf. Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams (1900a). So much for phantasies. And now for the creative writer. May we really attempt to compare the imaginative writer with the ‘dreamer in broad daylight’, and his creations with day-dreams? Here we must begin by making an initial distinction. We must separate writers who, like the ancient authors of epics and tragedies, take over their material ready-made, from writers who seem to originate their own material. We will keep to the latter kind, and, for the purposes of our comparison, we will choose not the writers most highly esteemed by the critics, but the less pretentious authors of novels, romances and short stories, who nevertheless have the widest and most eager circle of readers of both sexes. One feature above all cannot fail to strike us about the creations of these story-writers: each of them has a hero who is the centre of interest, for whom the writer tries to win our sympathy by every possible means and whom he seems to place under the protection of a special Providence. If, at the end of one chapter of my story, I leave the hero unconscious and bleeding from severe wounds, I am sure to find him at the beginning of the next being carefully nursed and on the way to recovery; and if the first volume closes with the ship he is in going down in a storm at sea, I am certain, at the opening of the second volume, to read of his miraculous rescue – a rescue without which the story could not proceed. The feeling of security with which I follow the hero through his perilous adventures is the same as the feeling with which a hero in real life throws himself into the water to save a drowning man or exposes himself to the enemy’s fire in order to storm a battery. It is the true heroic feeling, which one of our best writers has expressed in an inimitable phrase: ‘Nothing can happen to me! ’ It seems to me, however, that through this revealing characteristic of invulnerability we can immediately recognize His Majesty the Ego, the hero alike of every day-dream and of every story. Other typical features of these egocentric stories point to the same kinship. The fact that all the women in the novel invariably fall in love with the hero can hardly be looked on as a portrayal of reality, but it is easily understood as a necessary constituent of a day-dream. The same is true of the fact that the other characters in the story are sharply divided into good and bad, in defiance of the variety of human characters that are to be observed in real life. The ‘good’ ones are the helpers, while the ‘bad’ ones are the enemies and rivals, of the ego which has become the hero of the story. We are perfectly aware that very many imaginative writings are far removed from the model of the naà ¯ve day-dream; and yet I cannot suppress the suspicion that even the most extreme deviations from that model could be linked with it through an uninterrupted series of transitional cases. It has struck me that in many of what are known as ‘psychological’ novels only one person – once again the hero – is described from within. The author sits inside his mind, as it were, and looks at the other characters from outside. The psychological novel in general no doubt owes its special nature to the inclination of the modern writer to split up his ego, by self- observation, into many part-egos, and, in consequence, to personify the conflicting currents of his own mental life in several heroes. Certain novels, which might be described as ‘eccentric’, seem to stand in quite special contrast to the type of the day-dream. In these, the person who is introduced as the hero plays only a very small active part; he sees the actions and sufferings of other people pass before him like a spectator. Many of Zola’s later works belong to this category. But I must point out that the psychological analysis of individuals who are not creative writers, and who diverge in some respects from the so-called norm, has shown us analogous variations of the day-dream, in which the ego contents itself with the role of spectator. If our comparison of the imaginative writer with the day-dreamer, and of poetical creation with the day-dream, is to be of any value, it must, above all, show itself in some way or other fruitful. Let us, for instance, try to apply to these authors’ works the thesis we laid down earlier concerning the relation between phantasy and the three periods of time and the wish which runs through them; and, with its help, let us try to study the connections that exist between the life of the writer and his works. No one has known, as a rule, what expectations to frame in approaching this problem; and often the connection has been thought of in much too simple terms. In the light of the insight we have gained from phantasies, we ought to expect the following state of affairs. A strong experience in the present awakens in the creative writer a memory of an earlier experience (usually belonging to his childhood) from which there now proceeds a wish which finds its fulfilment in the creative work. The work itself exhibits elements of the recent provoking occasion as well as of the old memory. Do not be alarmed at the complexity of this formula. I suspect that in fact it will prove to be too exiguous a pattern. Nevertheless, it may contain a first approach to the true state of affairs; and, from some experiments I have made, I am inclined to think that this way of looking at creative writings may turn out not unfruitful. You will not forget that the  stress it lays on childhood memories in the writer’s life – a stress which may perhaps seem puzzling – is ultimately derived from the assumption that a piece of creative writing, like a day-dream, is a continuation of, and a substitute for, what was once the play of childhood. We must not neglect, however, to go back to the kind of imaginative works which we have to recognize, not as original creations, but as the re-fashioning of ready- made and familiar material. Even here, the writer keeps a certain amount of independence, which can express itself in the choice of material and in changes in it which are often quite extensive. In so far as the material is already at hand, however, it is derived from the popular treasure-house of myths, legends and fairy tales. The study of constructions of folk-psychology such as these is far from being complete, but it is extremely probable that myths, for instance, are distorted vestiges of the wishful phantasies of whole nations, the secular dreams of youthful humanity. You will say that, although I have put the creative writer first in the title of my paper, I have told you far less about him than about phantasies. I am aware of that, and I must try to excuse it by pointing to the present state of our knowledge. All I have been able to do is to throw out some encouragements and suggestions which, starting from the study of phantasies, lead on to the problem of the writer’s choice of his literary material. As for the other problem – by what means the creative writer achieves the emotional effects in us that are aroused by his creations – we have as yet not touched on it at all. But I should like at least to point out to you the path that leads from our discussion of phantasies to the problems of poetical effects. You will remember how I have said that the day-dreamer carefully conceals his phantasies from other people because he feels he has reasons for being ashamed of them. I should now add that even if he were to communicate them to us he could give us no pleasure by his disclosures. Such phantasies, when we learn them, repel us or at least leave us cold. But when a creative writer presents his plays to us or tells us what we are inclined to take to be his personal day dreams, we experience a great pleasure, and one which probably arises from the confluence of many sources. How the writer accomplishes this is his innermost secret; the essential ars poetica lies in the technique of overcoming the feeling of repulsion in us which is undoubtedly connected with the barriers that rise  between each single ego and the others. We can guess two of the methods used by this technique. The writer softens the character of his egoistic day-dreams by altering and disguising it, and he bribes us by the purely formal – that is, aesthetic – yield of pleasure which he offers us in the presentation of his phantasies. We give the name of an incentive bonus, or a fore-pleasure, to a yield of pleasure such as this, which is offered to us so as to make possible the release of still greater pleasure arising from deeper psychical sources. In my opinion, all the aesthetic pleasure which a creative writer affords us has the character of a fore-pleasure of this kind, and our actual enjoyment of an imaginative work proceeds from a liberation of tensions in our minds. It may even be that not a little of this effect is due to the writer’s enabling us thenceforward to enjoy our own day-dreams without self-reproach or shame. This brings us to the threshold of new, interesting and complicated enquiries; but also, at least for the moment, to the end of our discussion. How to cite The Source of Creativity in Writers, Papers The Source of Creativity in Writers Free Essays string(105) " is accounted for by the motives of these two activities, which are nevertheless adjuncts to each other\." We laymen have always been intensely curious to know like the Cardinal who put a similar question to Ariosto – from what sources that strange being, the creative writer, draws his material, and how he manages to make such an impression on us with it and to arouse in us emotions of which, perhaps, we had not even thought ourselves capable. Our interest is only heightened the more by the fact that, if we ask him, the writer himself gives us no explanation, or none that is satisfactory; and it is not at all weakened by our knowledge that not even the clearest insight into the determinants of his choice of material and into the nature of the art of creating imaginative form will ever help to make creative writers of us. If we could at least discover in ourselves or in people like ourselves an activity which was in some way akin to creative writing! An examination of it would then give us a hope of obtaining the beginnings of an explanation of the creative work of writers. We will write a custom essay sample on The Source of Creativity in Writers or any similar topic only for you Order Now And, indeed, there is some prospect of this being possible. After all, creative writers themselves like to lessen the distance between their kind and the common run of humanity; they so often assure us that every man is a poet at heart and that the last poet will not perish till the last man does. Should we not look for the first traces of imaginative activity as early as in childhood The child’s best-loved and most intense occupation is with his play or games. Might we not say that every child at play behaves like a creative writer, in that he creates a world of his own, or, rather, re-arranges the things of his world in a new way which pleases him? It would be wrong to think he does not take that world seriously; on the contrary, he takes his play very seriously and he expends large amounts of emotion on it. The opposite of play is not what is serious but what is real. In spite of all the emotion with which he cathects his world of play, the child distinguishes it quite well from reality; and he likes to link his imagined objects and situations to the tangible and visible things of the real world. This linking is all that differentiates the child’s ‘play’ from ‘phantasying’. The creative writer does the same as the child at play. He creates a world of phantasy which he takes very seriously – that is, which he invests with large amounts of emotion while separating it sharply from reality. Language has preserved this relationship between children’s play and poetic creation. It gives [in German] the name of ‘Spiel’ [‘play’] to those forms of imaginative writing which require to be linked to tangible objects and which are capable of representation. It speaks of a ‘Lustspiel’ or ‘Trauerspiel’ [‘comedy’ or ‘tragedy’: literally, ‘pleasure play’ or ‘mourning play’] and describes those who carry out the representation as ‘Schauspieler’ [‘players’: literally ‘show-players’]. The unreality of the writer’s imaginative world, however, has very important consequences for the technique of his art; for many things which, if they were real, could give no enjoyment, can do so in the play of phantasy, and many excitements which, in themselves, are actually distressing, can become a source of pleasure for the hearers and spectators at the performance of a writer’s work. There is another consideration for the sake of which we will dwell a moment longer on this contrast between reality and play. When the child has grown up and has ceased to play, and after he has been labouring for decades to envisage the realities of life with proper seriousness, he may one day find himself in a mental situation which once more undoes the contrast between play and reality. As an adult he can look back on the intense seriousness with which he once carried on his games in childhood; and, by equating his ostensibly serious occupations of to-day with his childhood games, he can throw off the too heavy burden imposed on him by life and win the high yield of pleasure afforded by humour. As people grow up, then, they cease to play, and they seem to give up the yield of pleasure which they gained from playing. But whoever understands the human mind knows that hardly anything is harder for a man than to give up a pleasure which he has once experienced. Actually, we can never give anything up; we only exchange one thing for another. What appears to be a renunciation is really the formation of a substitute or surrogate. In the same way, the growing child, when he stops playing, gives up nothing but the link with real objects; instead playing, he now phantasies. He builds castles in the air and creates what are called day- dreams. I believe that most people construct phantasies at times in their lives. This is a fact which has long been overlooked and whose importance has therefore not been sufficiently appreciated. People’s phantasies are less easy to observe than the play of children. The child, it is true, plays by himself or forms a closed psychical system with other children for the purposes of a game; but even though he may not play his game in front of the grown-ups, he does not, on the other hand, conceal it from them. The adult, on the contrary, is ashamed of his phantasies and hides them from other people. He cherishes his phantasies as his most intimate possessions, and as a rule he would rather confess his misdeeds than tell anyone his phantasies. It may come about that for that reason he believes he is the only person who invents such phantasies and has no idea that creations of this kind are widespread among other people. This difference in the behaviour of a person who plays and a person who phantasies is accounted for by the motives of these two activities, which are nevertheless adjuncts to each other. You read "The Source of Creativity in Writers" in category "Papers" A child’s play is determined by wishes: in point of fact by a single wish-one that helps in his upbringing – the wish to be big and grown up. He is always playing at being ‘grown up’, and in his games he imitates what he knows about the lives of his elders. He has no reason to conceal this wish. With the adult, the case is different. On the one hand, he knows that he is expected not to go on playing or phantasying any longer, but to act in the real world; on the other hand, some of the wishes which give rise to his phantasies are of a kind which it is essential to conceal. Thus he is ashamed of his phantasies as being childish and as being unpermissible. But, you will ask, if people make such a mystery of their phantasying, how is it that we know such a lot about it? Well, there is a class of human beings upon whom, not a god, indeed, but a stern goddess – Necessity – has allotted the task of telling what they suffer and what things give them happiness. These are the victims of nervous illness, who are obliged to tell their phantasies, among other things, to the doctor by whom they expect to be cured by mental treatment. This is our best source of knowledge, and we have since found good reason to suppose that our patients tell us nothing that we might not also hear from healthy people. Let us now make ourselves acquainted with a few of the characteristics of phantasying. We may lay it down that a happy person never phantasies, only an unsatisfied one. The motive forces of phantasies are unsatisfied wishes, and every single phantasy is the fulfilment of a wish, a correction of unsatisfying reality. These motivating wishes vary according to the sex, character and circumstances of the person who is having the phantasy; but they fall naturally into two main groups. They are either ambitious wishes, which serve to elevate the subject’s personality; or they are erotic ones. In young women the erotic wishes predominate almost exclusively, for their ambition is as a rule absorbed by erotic trends. In young men egoistic and ambitious wishes come to the fore clearly enough alongside of erotic ones. But we will not lay stress on the opposition between the two trends; we would rather emphasize the fact that they are often united. Just as, in many altar- pieces, the portrait of the donor is to be seen in a corner of the picture, so, in the majority of ambitious phantasies, we can discover in some corner or other the lady for whom the creator of the phantasy performs all his heroic deeds and at whose feet all his triumphs are laid. Here, as you see, there are strong enough motives for concealment; the well-brought-up young woman is only allowed a minimum of erotic desire, and the young man has to learn to suppress the excess of self-regard which he brings with him from the spoilt days of his childhood, so that he may find his place in a society which is full of other individuals making equally strong demands. We must not suppose that the products of this imaginative activity – the various phantasies, castles in the air and day-dreams – are stereotyped or unalterable. On the contrary, they fit themselves in to the subject’s shifting impressions of life, change with every change in his situation, and receive from every fresh active impression what might be called a ‘date-mark’. The relation of a phantasy to time is in general very important. We may say that it hovers, as it were, between three times – the three moments of time which our ideation involves. Mental work is linked to some current impression, some provoking occasion in the present which has been able to arouse one of the subject’s major wishes. From there it harks back to a memory of an earlier experience (usually an infantile one) in which this wish was fulfilled; and it now creates a situation relating to the future which represents a fulfilment of the wish. What it thus creates is a day-dream or phantasy, which carries about it traces of its origin from the occasion which provoked it and from the memory. Thus past, present and future are strung together, as it were, on the thread of the wish that runs through them. A very ordinary example may serve to make what I have said clear. Let us take the case of a poor orphan boy to whom you have given the address of some employer where he may perhaps find a job. On his way there he may indulge in a day-dream appropriate to the situation from which it arises. The content of his phantasy will perhaps be something like this. He is given a job, finds favour with his new employer, makes himself indispensable in the business, is taken into his employer’s family, marries the charming young daughter of the house, and then himself becomes a director of the business, first as his employer’s partner and then as his successor. In this phantasy, the dreamer has regained what he possessed in his happy childhood – the protecting house, the loving parents and the first objects of his affectionate feelings. You will see from this example the way in which the wish makes use of an occasion in the present to construct, on the pattern of the past, a picture of the future. There is a great deal more that could be said about phantasies; but I will only allude as briefly as possible to certain points. If phantasies become over-luxuriant and over-powerful, the conditions are laid for an onset of neurosis or psychosis. Phantasies, moreover, are the immediate mental precursors of the distressing symptoms complained of by our patients. Here a broad by-path branches off into pathology. I cannot pass over the relation of phantasies to dreams. Our dreams at night are nothing else than phantasies like these, as we can demonstrate from the interpretation of dreams. ? Language, in its unrivalled wisdom, long ago decided the question of the essential nature of dreams by giving the name of ‘day-dreams’ to the airy creations of phantasy. If the meaning of our dreams usually remains obscure to us in spite of this pointer, it is because of the circumstance that at night there also arise in us wishes of which we are ashamed; these we must conceal from ourselves, and they have consequently been repressed, pushed into the unconscious. Repressed wishes of this sort and their derivatives are only allowed to come to expression in a very distorted form. When scientific work had succeeded in elucidating this factor of dream-distortion, it was no longer difficult to recognize that night-dreams are wish-fulfilments in just the same way as day-dreams – the phantasies which we all know so well. ? Cf. Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams (1900a). So much for phantasies. And now for the creative writer. May we really attempt to compare the imaginative writer with the ‘dreamer in broad daylight’, and his creations with day-dreams? Here we must begin by making an initial distinction. We must separate writers who, like the ancient authors of epics and tragedies, take over their material ready-made, from writers who seem to originate their own material. We will keep to the latter kind, and, for the purposes of our comparison, we will choose not the writers most highly esteemed by the critics, but the less pretentious authors of novels, romances and short stories, who nevertheless have the widest and most eager circle of readers of both sexes. One feature above all cannot fail to strike us about the creations of these story-writers: each of them has a hero who is the centre of interest, for whom the writer tries to win our sympathy by every possible means and whom he seems to place under the protection of a special Providence. If, at the end of one chapter of my story, I leave the hero unconscious and bleeding from severe wounds, I am sure to find him at the beginning of the next being carefully nursed and on the way to recovery; and if the first volume closes with the ship he is in going down in a storm at sea, I am certain, at the opening of the second volume, to read of his miraculous rescue – a rescue without which the story could not proceed. The feeling of security with which I follow the hero through his perilous adventures is the same as the feeling with which a hero in real life throws himself into the water to save a drowning man or exposes himself to the enemy’s fire in order to storm a battery. It is the true heroic feeling, which one of our best writers has expressed in an inimitable phrase: ‘Nothing can happen to me! ’ It seems to me, however, that through this revealing characteristic of invulnerability we can immediately recognize His Majesty the Ego, the hero alike of every day-dream and of every story. Other typical features of these egocentric stories point to the same kinship. The fact that all the women in the novel invariably fall in love with the hero can hardly be looked on as a portrayal of reality, but it is easily understood as a necessary constituent of a day-dream. The same is true of the fact that the other characters in the story are sharply divided into good and bad, in defiance of the variety of human characters that are to be observed in real life. The ‘good’ ones are the helpers, while the ‘bad’ ones are the enemies and rivals, of the ego which has become the hero of the story. We are perfectly aware that very many imaginative writings are far removed from the model of the naive day-dream; and yet I cannot suppress the suspicion that even the most extreme deviations from that model could be linked with it through an uninterrupted series of transitional cases. It has struck me that in many of what are known as ‘psychological’ novels only one person – once again the hero – is described from within. The author sits inside his mind, as it were, and looks at the other characters from outside. The psychological novel in general no doubt owes its special nature to the inclination of the modern writer to split up his ego, by self- observation, into many part-egos, and, in consequence, to personify the conflicting currents of his own mental life in several heroes. Certain novels, which might be described as ‘eccentric’, seem to stand in quite special contrast to the type of the day-dream. In these, the person who is introduced as the hero plays only a very small active part; he sees the actions and sufferings of other people pass before him like a spectator. Many of Zola’s later works belong to this category. But I must point out that the psychological analysis of individuals who are not creative writers, and who diverge in some respects from the so-called norm, has shown us analogous variations of the day-dream, in which the ego contents itself with the role of spectator. If our comparison of the imaginative writer with the day-dreamer, and of poetical creation with the day-dream, is to be of any value, it must, above all, show itself in some way or other fruitful. Let us, for instance, try to apply to these authors’ works the thesis we laid down earlier concerning the relation between phantasy and the three periods of time and the wish which runs through them; and, with its help, let us try to study the connections that exist between the life of the writer and his works. No one has known, as a rule, what expectations to frame in approaching this problem; and often the connection has been thought of in much too simple terms. In the light of the insight we have gained from phantasies, we ought to expect the following state of affairs. A strong experience in the present awakens in the creative writer a memory of an earlier experience (usually belonging to his childhood) from which there now proceeds a wish which finds its fulfilment in the creative work. The work itself exhibits elements of the recent provoking occasion as well as of the old memory. Do not be alarmed at the complexity of this formula. I suspect that in fact it will prove to be too exiguous a pattern. Nevertheless, it may contain a first approach to the true state of affairs; and, from some experiments I have made, I am inclined to think that this way of looking at creative writings may turn out not unfruitful. You will not forget that the  stress it lays on childhood memories in the writer’s life – a stress which may perhaps seem puzzling – is ultimately derived from the assumption that a piece of creative writing, like a day-dream, is a continuation of, and a substitute for, what was once the play of childhood. We must not neglect, however, to go back to the kind of imaginative works which we have to recognize, not as original creations, but as the re-fashioning of ready- made and familiar material. Even here, the writer keeps a certain amount of independence, which can express itself in the choice of material and in changes in it which are often quite extensive. In so far as the material is already at hand, however, it is derived from the popular treasure-house of myths, legends and fairy tales. The study of constructions of folk-psychology such as these is far from being complete, but it is extremely probable that myths, for instance, are distorted vestiges of the wishful phantasies of whole nations, the secular dreams of youthful humanity. You will say that, although I have put the creative writer first in the title of my paper, I have told you far less about him than about phantasies. I am aware of that, and I must try to excuse it by pointing to the present state of our knowledge. All I have been able to do is to throw out some encouragements and suggestions which, starting from the study of phantasies, lead on to the problem of the writer’s choice of his literary material. As for the other problem – by what means the creative writer achieves the emotional effects in us that are aroused by his creations – we have as yet not touched on it at all. But I should like at least to point out to you the path that leads from our discussion of phantasies to the problems of poetical effects. You will remember how I have said that the day-dreamer carefully conceals his phantasies from other people because he feels he has reasons for being ashamed of them. I should now add that even if he were to communicate them to us he could give us no pleasure by his disclosures. Such phantasies, when we learn them, repel us or at least leave us cold. But when a creative writer presents his plays to us or tells us what we are inclined to take to be his personal day dreams, we experience a great pleasure, and one which probably arises from the confluence of many sources. How the writer accomplishes this is his innermost secret; the essential ars poetica lies in the technique of overcoming the feeling of repulsion in us which is undoubtedly connected with the barriers that rise  between each single ego and the others. We can guess two of the methods used by this technique. The writer softens the character of his egoistic day-dreams by altering and disguising it, and he bribes us by the purely formal – that is, aesthetic – yield of pleasure which he offers us in the presentation of his phantasies. We give the name of an incentive bonus, or a fore-pleasure, to a yield of pleasure such as this, which is offered to us so as to make possible the release of still greater pleasure arising from deeper psychical sources. In my opinion, all the aesthetic pleasure which a creative writer affords us has the character of a fore-pleasure of this kind, and our actual enjoyment of an imaginative work proceeds from a liberation of tensions in our minds. It may even be that not a little of this effect is due to the writer’s enabling us thenceforward to enjoy our own day-dreams without self-reproach or shame. This brings us to the threshold of new, interesting and complicated enquiries; but also, at least for the moment, to the end of our discussion. How to cite The Source of Creativity in Writers, Papers

LIVE ANIMAL EXPORTS SHOULD NOT BE BANNED! Essay Example For Students

LIVE ANIMAL EXPORTS SHOULD NOT BE BANNED! Essay Good evening ladies and Gentlemen, adjudicator, chairman and fellow debaters. Firstly I would like to rebut the flaws in the oppositions arguments. Our team strongly believes that the Cormo express has been extremely exaggerated. In fact, feedback from the Australian Quarantine Inspection Service-approved vet on board is that they were in excellent condition and have actually gained body weight since leaving Australia. I also wonder why the Affirmative failed to mention that out of 430 ships that left Australia in 2003. We didnt hear anything about the other 429 and that in my belief is where the whole thing got distorted. Live animal exports are economically important to Australia and the world. Yet this does not mean that we forget the animals rights. Throughout this debate our team has stressed to you the need for animal exports and why we rely on it so much. Our first speaker Renee defined the topic and covered issues such as:*The excellent standards aboard transportation ships*Live exports eliminates animal substitution*And the expert care given to animals before they are loaded onto the ship and while they are on it. Our second speaker Josh continued our case and argued equally important issues such as:*The financial gain*Cultural and industrial beliefs*Benefits of the live animal export industryAs we informed you earlier live exports earn $1 billion simply in Australia. This figure means that live exports account for more than a ninth of the livestock sold in Australia each year. If we were to ban live exports in Australia this would jeopardise the lively hood of most of our farmers. As our second speaker Josh stated 20-30 % of a farmers income in Victoria is from live exports, it is even greater interstate. It is obvious this would be the final blow to farmers after they had lost most of their livestock in the draught, now those surviving animals would not be able to be traded. Josh mentioned how most farmers only managed to keep going because they would be able to create income by exporting their livestock overseas. Another point that our team has been certain of is that there is no miss treat ment of animals on board ships. Our first speaker Renee discussed procedure and actions taken if animals fall ill. Renee stated I quote If the death rate on board a transit vessel carrying sheep is above 2% a formal investigation is automatically conducted. She also mentioned that each ship transporting live animals is required to have a vet on board. Their roles are to; check the animals health daily, draft the animals into pens, put down animals that arent coping, conduct post- mortems and ensure crew are tending to animals. As you can see every possible situation has been considered! It should be noted that our team respects the rights and beliefs of Muslim countries to process sheep in the way they believe is right. Our team also has reminded the opposition that what happens to the sheep once they are delivered does not fall under our jurisdiction, although if there were fears that there was some such wrong doing, a formal inquiry would be launched. Since there is no precedentia l investigation we can assume that animals exported to the Middle East have been shown no cruelty. In conclusion to our argument, I must say that we rely on this industry greatly in Australia and would we be able to accept the backlash, loss of jobs and income if Live animal exports were band.

Ideal Victim free essay sample

An ‘ideal victim’ is someone who has played no part in their victimisation by an offender who was wholly responsible for the incident. The public can relate to the ‘ideal victims’ ordeal and although they have been through an awful sometimes incomprehensible experience society views the ‘ideal victim’ â€Å"as pure, blameless (hence passive) people against whom an evil act was omitted by a depraved individual† (Spalek, B. 2006 p25). Although most people can relate to an ‘ideal victim’ there is a ‘positivist perspective’ in victimology that defines the behaviour and circumstances of people can have a direct contribution to their victimisation. However, the ‘feminist perspective’ would argue that by suggesting a victim had aided in their victimisation would require the victim to accept some form of accountability for their victimisation. A ‘radical perspective’ broadens our understanding of victimhood. It requires us to acknowledge imbalances of power within society and how it increases the likely hood of victimisation. We will write a custom essay sample on Ideal Victim or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page â€Å"Power relations are fundamental to the way society is structured; that those power relations are unjust; and that those unjust power relations are the context within which we should think about crime and victimisation† (Edwards, P. 012). National crime surveys assist governments in gathering information about a wide range of crime-related issues (Spalek, B. 2006 p47). My discussion will encompass the important functions of national crime surveys and how local surveys can provide â€Å"precise local knowledge† (Spalek, B. 2006 p56) in respect to victimisation. An ‘ideal victim’ attracts society’s attention and sympathy. They are viewed as having played no part in their victimisation. The more susceptible and innocent the victim the more the public can see them as a victim. Race, class and gender† influence how an ‘ideal victim’ is perceived and describes how â€Å"elderly people, children and women often receive more sympath etic response to their victimization than working class men† (Spalek, B. 2006 p22). Governments utilise ‘ideal victim’ circumstances to pave way for new laws and policies, gaining support from public opinion of the ‘ideal victim’. Currently, in South Australia, Senator Nick Xenophon is aiming to introduce laws to stop online predators. This legislation, known as Carly’s Law, was formed after 15 year old Carly Ryan was groomed online by 47 year old, Gary Francis Newman. She ultimately agreed to meet the 47 year old who posed as 20 year old musician. Newman lured Carly to a beach in South Australia where she was murdered. Newman is currently serving a custodial sentence of 29 years non-parole. (Source: News. com) Carly Ryan is an ‘ideal victim’, a juvenile female who was victimised by an â€Å"’ideal offender’, who is ‘evil’â€Å"(Spalek, B. 2006 p23). Many victims refuse to be termed ‘victim’ instead prefer to promote the term ‘survivor’. They prefer to be identified â€Å"as an agent who has resisted their abuse to become emotionally and psychologically stronger’ (Spalek, B. 2006 p26). The ‘survivor’ shows great determination to overcome difficulties and from their victimisation they are able to help others. This, however, â€Å"can be unhelpful, since individuals can be put under pressure to be a certain type of victim, an idealised hero † when they themselves are yet to fully understand and triumph over their victimisation (Spalek, B. 2006 p11). A ‘victim’, as defined in The South Australian Victims of Crime Act, 2001; â€Å"in relation to an offence, means a person who suffers harm as a result of the commission of the offence (but does not include a person who was a party to the commission of the offence)†. This definition supports the ideals of the ‘ideal victim’, as an ‘ideal victim’ â€Å"must be innocent; they must not be guilty of having contributed to their loss† (Bayley, J. 1991 p54). A ‘positivist perspective’ proposes victims have placed themselves in a position where they are contributing to their victimisation. This clearly differs from an ‘ideal victim’, and the ‘feminist perspective’ would argue that by suggesting a victim had aided in their victimisation would require the victim to accept some form of accountability for their victimisation. When examining the victim’s actions, the differences between a ‘positivist perspective’ and ‘feminist perspective’ become evident. A ‘positivist perspective’ implies identifying the factors that contribute to the non-random victimization pattern, focusing on the interpersonal violent crimes, and endeavouring to identify the victims who are prone to contribute to their own victimization (Kostic, M. 2010 p69). This shows the victim as being the kind of person that they are; this can also include lifestyle factors such as victims who brazenly display their wealth. Positivist Perspective’ examines which social and psychological characteristics of victims make them different from and more vulnerable than, non-victims. An example of positivist victimology is Marvin Wolfgangs (1958) study of 588 homicides in Philadelphia. Wolfgang found that 26% involved victim precipitation – the victim triggered the events leading to the murder ( Spalek, B. 2006 p34). A ‘feminist perspective’ has â€Å"highlighted forms of abuse experienced by women that have largely been hidden† (Spalek, B. 2006 p42). The defining difference between the ‘feminist perspective’ and positivist are clear. Both ‘feminist’ and ‘positivist’ perspectives acknowledge the victimisation occurs as a result of characteristics of the victim, but the ‘feminist perspective’ places the all aspects of guilt upon the perpetrator. The ‘feminist perspective’ â€Å"belief that the crimes committed against women and children can only be understood, and reduced, if the broader context of patriarchy is acknowledged, this being male economic, political and legal power, underpinned by male violence† (Spalek, B. 006 p30). ‘Radical perspective’ of victimology â€Å"has been criticised for adopting an overly simplistic view of structure and its impact on individuals† (Spalek, B. 2006 p40). However, a ‘radical perspective’ broadens our understanding of victimhood as it requires us to acknowledge within the general society â €Å"power relations are fundamental to the way society is structured; that those power relations are unjust; and that those unjust power relations are the context within which we should think about crime and victimisation† (Edwards, P. 2012). It encompasses â€Å"broad social problems like poverty, injustice and state abuses† (Spalek, B. 2006 p40). Home invasion, environment pollution and domestic violence are all offences where a victim can be identified. To understand each victim we must understand which victimisation perspective corresponds. A ‘positivist perspective’ encompasses a home invasion. An unknown offender/s entered the home of an unknown person for the purpose of committing an offence. Why the offender/s chose this house? The victim may have left the front door open or left valuables in plain sight of the front yard. They are still a victim but the victim may have played a part in their victimisation. A ‘radical perspective’ encompasses environmental pollution. Victims of environmental pollution play no part in their victimisation but due to their circumstances have been affected. If a well known industrial company pollutes the ground water in a local area, the local residents become unwilling victims to the pollution. The company which has greater socio-economic status and power have victimised the local residents. A ‘feminist perspective’ encompasses domestic violence. The victim, a woman, enters into a relationship with a ale. The offender uses his patriarchy to underpin the violence against the victim. National Crime Survey’s aid governments in calculating â€Å"perceptions and experiences of crime† (Spalek, B. 2006 p47). They appear to gather greater defining crime statistics than those produced by local law enforcement. This is due, in part, on victims not reporting crimes to police or the police officer it has been reported to have not recorded the event. National crime surveys include a wide range of â€Å"crime-related issues† and â€Å"allow policy makers to examine a broad range of issues† (Spalek, B. 006 p47). National crime surveys are used to create crime reduction strategies as it is used to identify â€Å"groups of people most at risk from crime† (Spalek, B. 2006 p52). The National crime survey has its limitations as it does not provide for accurate local data analysis. Local surveys can be specific in their direction and be used to â€Å"uncover differential crime risk, particularly the high risks that women, minority ethnic groups and socially disadvantaged people faced† (Spalek, B 2006 p56). In conclusion, the ‘ideal victim’ plays no part in thei r victimisation. The public can relate to the ‘ideal victims’ ordeal and although they have been through an awful sometimes incomprehensible experience society views the ‘ideal victim’ â€Å"as pure, blameless (hence passive) people against whom an evil act was omitted by a depraved individual† (Spalek, B. 2006 p25). A ‘positivist perspective’ in victimology that defines the behaviour and circumstances of people can have a direct contribution to their victimisation. However, the ‘feminist perspective’ would argue that by suggesting a victim had aided in their victimisation would require the victim to accept some form of accountability for their victimisation. A ‘radical perspective’ broadens our understanding of victimhood. It requires us to acknowledge imbalances of power within society and how it increases the likely hood of victimisation. National crime survey’s aid governments in calculating â€Å"perceptions and experiences of crime† (Spalek, B. 2006 p47). National crime surveys are used to create crime reduction strategies as it is used to identify â€Å"groups of people most at risk from crime† (Spalek, B. 2006 p52). Local surveys assist in are more specific and can be focused on local issues representing that area. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bayley, J. Edited by Sank, D. , Caplan, D. I. (1991). To be a victim: encounters with crime and injustice. New York, Plenum Press. Edwards, P. (2012) Radical Vicitimology. Victims and Victimology, 2012/13, [blog] Wednesday, 7th November, Available at: http://victims2012. blogspot. com. au/2012/11/week-7-radical-victimology. html [Accessed: 2 April 2013]. Garkawe, S. (2000) THE THREE MAJOR VICTIMOLOGICAL PARADIGMS A THEORETICAL ROAD MAP FOR VICTIMOLOGY. Journal of the Australasian Society of Victimology, (2), p. 8 58. Kostic, M. (2010) VICTIMOLOGY: A Contemporary Theoretical Approach to Crime and its Victim ?. Faculty of Law, University of Nis, Serbia , 8 (1), p. 65-78. Available at: http://facta. junis. ni. ac. rs/lap/lap2010/lap2010-04. pdf Rock, P (2007) edited by Walklate, S. (2007). Handbook of victims and victimology. Cullompton, Willan. Spalek, B, 2006. Crime Victims Theory, Policy and Practice. 1st ed. United Kingdom: Palgrave Macmillan. Victims of Crime Act, 2001 http://www. austlii. edu. au/au/legis/sa/consol_act/voca2001171/

Definition and Examples of Colonial Lag in Language

Definition and Examples of Colonial Lag in Language In linguistics, colonial lag is the hypothesis that colonial varieties of a language  (such as American English) change less than the variety spoken in the mother country (British English). This hypothesis has been vigorously challenged ever since the term  colonial lag  was coined by  linguist Albert Marckwardt in his book  American English  (1958). For example, in an article in  The Cambridge History of the English Language,  Volume 6  (2001), Michael Montgomery concludes that in regard to American English, [t]he evidence cited for colonial lag is selective, often ambiguous or tendentious, and far from indicating that American English in any of its varieties is more archaic than innovative. Examples and Observations These post-colonial survivors of  earlier phases of mother-country culture, taken in conjunction with the retention of earlier linguistic features, have made what I should like to call a colonial lag. I mean to suggest by this term nothing more than that in a transplanted civilization, such as ours undeniably is, certain features which it possesses remain static over a period of time. Transplanting usually results in a time lag before the organism, be it a geranium or a brook trout, becomes adapted to its new environment. There is no reason why the same principle should not apply to a people, their language, and their culture. (Albert H. Marckwardt, American English. Oxford University Press,  1958) Colonial Lag in American English There was for a long time a popular belief that languages separated from their home countries, like a bud nipped from its stem, ceased to develop. This phenomenon was called colonial lag, and there were manyincluding, notably, Noah Websterwho argued in particular for its applicability to American English. But though the colonial languages in the New World might have been isolated from their homelands, these languages were not unaffected by their trip to the New World. Colonial lag is, as linguist David Crystal says, a considerable oversimplification. Language, even in isolation, continues to change. (Elizabeth Little,  Trip of the Tongue: Cross-Country Travels in Search of Americas Languages. Bloomsbury, 2012)With ongoing language changes, it is often argued that colonies follow the linguistic developments of the mother country with some delay because of the geographical distance. This conservatism is called colonial lag. In the case of American English it is witnessed, for instanc e, in changes that took place in the modal auxiliaries can and may. Can gained ground in uses previously associated with may earlier and more rapidly in England than in the American colonies (Kytà ¶ 1991).Colonial lag is not, however, in evidence with all linguistic changes. In the case of third-person singular present-tense suffixes, for instance, no such tendency can be observed. (Terttu Nevalainen, An Introduction to Early Modern English. Oxford University Press, 2006) Colonial Lag in New Zealand English Because of the fragmentation of transplanted speech communities, the children of colonial founding populations may lack well-defined peer groups and the models they provide; in such an event, the influence of the dialects of the parents generation would be stronger than in more typical linguistic situations. This is especially true of more isolated settlers children. As a result, the dialect that develops in such situations largely reflects the speech of the previous generation, thus lagging behind.[P]arental origin is often an important predictor of aspects of individuals speech. This provides some support for the notion of colonial lag. (Elizabeth Gordon, New Zealand English: Its Origins and Evolution. Cambridge University Press, 2004)[T]here are a number of grammatical features in the New Zealand archive which can be described as archaic in that we assume that they were more typical of mid-nineteenth-century English than of later periods. One reservation, however, is that a number of grammatical changes which have affected English in the British Isles in the last 200 years have started in the south of England and spread out from there, arriving later in the English north and southwestand then in Scotland and Ireland, if at allwith some considerable time lag. There are a number of conservative features on the ONZE tapes [Origins of  New Zealand  English project] which may therefore be either archaic, or English regional, or Scottish, or Irish, or all four. One such is the use of for-to infinitives, as in They had for to gather the crops. (Peter Trudgill,  New-Dialect Formation: The Inevitability of Colonial Englishes. Oxford University Press, 2004)

The Historical and Socio-political Context on the Poor Essay

The Historical and Socio-political Context on the Poor - Essay Example It is within this wider perspective that this essay analyses child welfare services in the UK, particularly in Wales. The essay begins by providing a brief overview of the historical influences, ideological framework, and organisation and delivery of child welfare services in the UK. It afterwards presents an overview of the nature and level of child poverty in the region and a comprehensive analysis of the efforts of the UK government and the Welsh Assembly Government to address the problem. Since the beginning of the welfare state, concern for child poverty by consecutive UK administrations has varied. Even though rates of child poverty in the earlier period were comparatively low in comparison to the current period, issues were raised with regard to whether the Beveridge approach—health care services are provided and funded through taxes, also called ‘socialised medicine model’—was sufficient to safeguard children from economic instability (Walker, 1999, p. 155). In the 1980s and 1990s, the rates of child poverty increased dramatically, manifesting high rates of unemployment and instability in international economy. Much expectation and optimism arose during the introduction of the UK Labour Government in 1997. Former Prime Minister Tony Blair backed up this expectation in 1999 in his speech (Waldfogel, 2010, p. 34): â€Å"Our historic aim will be for ours to be the first generation to end child poverty†. National objectives were eventually formulated. There was a programme to cut down the rate of poverty by 2005 and to eliminate child poverty completely by 2020 (Bevan Foundation, 2010, p. 30). In the meantime, in Wales, there was general advocacy or this motivation and determination to address child poverty. The former Minister for Children reconfirmed the stance of the Welsh Assembly Government in 2004:

Reflaction paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Reflaction paper - Essay Example The thesis is persuasive and makes me inspired about the need to monitor multinational businesses. The new idea is that local irrespective of the social class has a voice that needs to be listened to when making critical decisions in the organization. I got sick by inhaling poisonous gasses that were being emitted by a certain manufacturing company. This experience makes me understand the article. Environmental policies have a direct impact on our lives. The main point is that the environments that people are living in have a direct impact on their health and their sustainable future. For instance people who are not educated and living in poor areas are likely to be affected by diseases. I think the thesis has expounded effectively on the need to live in a healthy environment and seek more education in order to live a sustainable life. The thesis is persuasive because it highlights the major aspects that affect the current population. The new idea to me in this article is that women’s education has an impact on the number of children they conceive. Having dealt with children from lower social class makes me understand the article better. Physical environment has a major impact on women lives. Women living in better environment have access to information, an aspect that makes them live a better and healthy life. I think the success of women in the society depends largely on their place of residence. The main point is persuasive and provides information on the current disparity among women in the society. This is not a new idea because women who are brought in well up families have access to basic education, health care, and exposure, an aspect that makes their future to be brighter. Having friends from higher and lower social class makes me understand the article better. The identity of a mother defines that of a child. The main point is that the character of the children is nurtured by their mothers. This thesis is not persuasive.

Health Essays Gender Health Disparities

Health Essays Gender Health Disparities Mens Health: Men Are far from being the Stronger Sex, they are Actually the Opposite Introduction: Gender-based Health Disparities While the study of gender in health has allowed for tremendous strides, there has been little benefit to advancing the understanding of mens health (Habben, 2005). While the majority of social, political, legal, and religious systems favor men, this favoritism has not served to improve mens health status (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 189). Generally, men suffer more life-threatening and chronic illnesses such as heart and cardiovascular disease, cerebrovascular disease, certain cancers, and emphysema (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 189). Men have higher age-adjusted mortality rates for the 15 leading causes of death than do women (Williams 2003, p. 724). Furthermore, they have at least two times higher death rates than women for suicide, homicide, accidents and cirrhosis of the liver (p. 724). The two leading causes of death for men in the U.K. are circulatory disease (including heart disease and stroke) and cancer (NSO, 2004a). Numerous health statistics illustrate the increased vulnerability of men to certain illnesses. In 2001, almost half of men were considered overweight compared to one-third of women (NSO, 2004b), men are twice as likely as women to exceed the daily benchmark for alcohol consumption (NSO 2004b), and life expectancy at birth is lower for males than for females at 75.7 vs. 80.4 years (NSO 2004c). In the United States, men have a higher incidence of seven out of the ten most common infectious diseases, and three quarters of deaths from myocardial infarction occur in men (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1385). Cancer is a prime example of the effects of male gender on health (Nicholas, 2000). Cancers of the larynx, oral cavity, pharynx, bladder, and liver occur highly disproportionately in men (Nicholas, 2000, p. 27). Further, men are more likely to die from cancer than are women. Biology vs. Gender Socialization Differences in health between men and women are not merely biological, but also include lifestyle differences and gender socialization factors (Peate, 2004). Gender differences in health and longevity can be explained partly by health behaviors (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1386), and recent discussions of mens health have emphasized the importance of masculine gender role socialization (e.g., Nicholas, 2000, p. 27). Mens concepts of maleness or masculinity guide their decisions about accepted behaviors. For example, risk-taking behaviors such as excessive alcohol or tobacco use are influenced by beliefs about masculinity (Nicholas, 2000, p. 28). The study of mens health goes beyond an emphasis on physiological structure and biological sex to include a broader analysis of social, cultural, and psychological issues pertaining to the traits, norms, stereotypes and roles associated with male gender (Brooks, 2001, p. 285). Men, in their quest to embody a strong masculine role, may predispose them selves to psychological, emotional, and behavioral disorders (Brooks, 2001, p. 287). Gender may be defined as the expectations and behaviors that individuals learn about femininity and masculinity  (Sabo, 2000, p. 133). Gender socialization influences health-risk behavior, mens perceptions of and use of their bodies, and their psychosocial adjustment to illness (Sabo, 2000, p. 133). While establishing his braveness or manliness to others, a man who conforms rigidly to the masculine ideal by ignoring pain and other illness symptoms is at increased risk of developing chronic diseases (Sabo, 2000, pp. 135-136). Beliefs about masculinity play a role in the health of men, and may lead them to engage in harmful behaviors or to refrain from health-protective actions (Williams, 2003, p. 727). Male-like qualities such as individuality, autonomy, stoicism, and physical aggression, as well as avoidance of showing emotion or displaying weakness may combine to lead to poorer health in men (Williams, 2003, p. 726). In addition, gender roles can help explain mens reluctance to seek medical care, their avoidance of expressing emotions, engagement in unsafe sexual behaviors, drug use, crime, and dangerous sports (Lee Owens, 2002). Further, men may be more likely to identify themselves with their work and to spend less time with family (Lee Owens, 2002). While men who are socialized to have more feminine attributes may be more likely to be aware of and concerned about their health and health-compromising behaviors (Kaplan Marks, 1995), men who step outside the gender boundary may be perceived as deviant (Seymour-Smith, Wetherell Pheonix, 2002). Gender socialization may influence the extent to which boys adopt masculine behaviors. Boys are encouraged to play like other boys and discouraged from playing with or like girls. To do otherwise could lead to rejection. Parents often instill in boys that they are strong and that big boys dont cry ideas which help form the boys personality. The masculinization process may make men have difficulty asking for help (Peate, 2004). Society places great value on the stereotypical image of the male as strong and silent, contributing to the idea that men are invulnerable (Fleming, Spiers, McElwee OGorman, 2001, p.337). While women value interdependence (e.g., consulting others and accepting help ), men value independence and avoid acknowledging a need for help (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 190). Strict adherence to idealized masculinity may lead to a number of mental and physical health problems. This may be due not only to strict adherence to a rigid masculine role, but also to a sense of failure when men fail to live up to this role (Nicholas, 2000, p. 31). Such failure may lead to increased anxiety, psychological distress, poor relationships, cardiovascular reactivity, anger, decreased self-esteem, and unwillingness to seek health services (p. 31). Risk-taking Men are more likely than women to engage in risky behaviors and to hold risky beliefs (Courtenay, McCreary Merighi 2002). They are more inclined than women to engage in behaviors that increase morbidity and mortality such as smoking and alcohol abuse (Williams, 2003, p. 727). Men and boys are socially pressured to endorse gendered societal prescriptions such as beliefs that men are strong, independent, self-reliant, and tough (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1387). As a reflection of such gender stereotypes, men often exhibit risk-taking behaviors such as smoking, poor diet and exercise habits, drinking to excess, and overworking (Lantz et al., 2001, p. 191). While men tend to know less about health than women, they also perceive themselves as less vulnerable to illness than do women (Nicholas, 2000, p. 29). As a result, men may be less aware of recommended screening and common symptoms of disease. More men than women smoke cigarettes and use excess alcohol. These behaviors often occur together, thereby increasing the incidence of oral and throat cancers (Nicholas, 2000, p. 28). Excess alcohol and tobacco use is a risk factor in 80% of cases of head and neck cancers (p. 28). The causes of death that affect the most mencompared to womenare those most influenced by behavior or personal choice (e.g., suicide, homicide, accidents, and cirrhosis of the liver; Habben, 2005). Alcohol and illicit drug abuse are largely male problems in which the social construction of masculinity plays a significant role (Brooks, 2001, p. 290). Alcohol abuse is a major contributor to mortality from liver cirrhosis, accidents, suicide, and homicidethese being the four causes of death where men double the rate of women (Williams, 2003, p. 727). Further, men are more likely to believe that high-risk behaviors will not impair their performance (e.g., drinking and driving; Williams, 2003, p. 727). Throughout life, men are at a higher risk of dying than are women. Lifestyle factors related to this include an increased likeliness of having accidents, having a dangerous occupation, and experiencing higher risks when at work (Peate, 2004). Men tend to underestimate the risks involved in physically dangerous activities and may feel that enduring physical punishment and pain are part of being male (Nicholas, 2000, p. 29). Men are more likely than women to work in hazardous occupations such as construction, agriculture, oil, transportation, and forestryoccupations that increase mens exposure to known carcinogens such as asbestos, benzene, chromium, and vinyl chloride (Nicholas, 2000, p. 28). In addition, risk-taking may include playing of dangerous sports (e.g., football or rugby), or engaging in high-risk sexual behavior. Taking risks confirms a mans masculinity to himself and to others. Further, gender is related to power, and the pursuit of power may lead men to engage in harmful behaviors (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1388). Behaviors such as refusing to take sick time off from work, insisting that they need little sleep, and boasting that alcohol or drug use does not impair their driving serve to demonstrate the dominant norms of masculinity (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1389). Under-utilization of Health Care Services Since illness is seen as a threat to masculinity, men are less likely to seek help when ill (Fleming, et al., 2001, p. 337). This may be related to the male tendency to suppress the expression of need and to minimize pain (Williams, 2003 p. 728). Men tend to reinforce social beliefs that they are less vulnerable than women, that their bodies are stronger than those of women, and that caring for ones health is feminine (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1389). In fact, utilization of health care and exhibiting positive health behaviors or beliefs are constructed as part of idealized femininity, and must be resisted in the expression of masculinity (p. 1389). Mens reluctance to discuss personal concerns may extend into the patient-provider relationship, where men may be less likely to fully report their health history and the exact details of their illness symptoms (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 194). Men are less likely to engage in health behaviors such as reporting symptoms, practicing health-promotion, and utilizing health care services (p. 189). Medical encounters also differ between male and female patients, with men receiving less time, fewer services, less information and advice, and less encouragement to change health behaviors (p. 728). Further, when men do receive care, they are less likely to adhere to their medical regimen (p. 728). The socially conditioned suppression of pain by men may lead to delayed help-seeking (Brownhill, Wilhelm, Barclay Parker, 2002). Gender socialization may be responsible for the fact that men value more concrete rather than abstract information (Lantz et al., 2001, p. 194). Thus, men may be more likely to ignore vague somatic symptoms and to wait for more concrete signs of disease, thereby delaying treatment until the more advanced stages of disease (p. 194). Often, when men seek care, their disease process is more advancedleading to higher morbidity and mortality (Lantz et al., 2001, p. 191). While women are more likely to seek care for symptoms, men generally seek medical care for employment or insurance reasons (p. 191). Delaying medical intervention leads to a state of urgency once assistance is finally sought (p. 191). In men, emotional distress in men may be masked by outward symptoms such as chest pain, deliberate self-harm, drug or alcohol abuse (Brownhill et al., 2002). Further, men expect health care professionals to be able to read their signs and symptoms without themselves having to disclose anything (Brownhill, et al., 2002). Other reasons for mens reluctance to seek health care may include a lack of understanding of making appointments, inconvenient opening hours, long waits for appointments, lack of trust, and fear of being judged. Men may feel social pressure to not reveal any weakness that may lessen their masculinity, and thus may not seek care. Solutions might include providing services that men can access anonymously (e.g., via the internet or telephone help-lines), and extending opening hours of services to include evenings and weekends. Conclusion: Possible Solutions for improving Mens Health Health educators and advocates for mens health should encourage men to consider the effects of gender on health behaviors and outcomes (Sabo, 2000, p. 139). Health education for men should address enhancing mens awareness that some of the culturally supported masculinity norms can lead to health-damaging behaviors (Williams, 2003, p. 730). Williams suggests that the meaning of manhood needs to be re-defined in a more positive way along with changes in cultural institutions and social structures, thus reinforcing positive health behaviors in men (Williams, 2003, p. 730). Modification of health behaviors may be one of the most effective ways of preventing disease (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1386). One solution could be to provide earlier socialization of boys and young men that health promoting behavior is positive, that reporting health concerns is not a sign of weakness, and that better health encourages a more positive self-image (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 195). The development of the male gender role should focus less upon the roles of protector and provider, and should emphasize more greatly mens abilities as caregivers and nurturers (Brooks, 2001, p. 293). Such emphasis would enhance the presence of nurturance, attachment, and intimacy in the social construction of masculinity. References Brooks, G. (2001). Masculinity and mens mental health. Journal of American College Health, 49: 285-297. Brownhill, S., Wilhelm, K., Barclay, L., and Parker, G. (2002). Detecting depression in men: A matter of guesswork. International Journal of Mens Health, 1: 259-80. Courtenay, W. (2000). Constructions of masculinity and their influence on mens well-being: a theory of gender and health. Social Science Medicine, 50: 1385-1401. Courtenay, W., McCreary, D., and Merighi, J. (2002). Gender and ethnic differences in health beliefs and behaviors. Journal of Health Psychology, 7: 219-31. Fleming, P., Spiers, A., Mc Elwee, G. and OGorman, M. (2001). Mens perceptions of health education methods used in promoting their health in relation to cancer. The International Electronic Journal of Health Education, 4: 337-344. Habben, C. (2005). Mens health in primary care: Future applications for psychologists. In James, L. and Folen, R. (Eds.); The primary care consultant: The next frontier for psyc hologists in hospitals and clinics, pp. 257-265. Kaplan, M. and Marks, G. (1995). Appraisal of health risks: The roles of masculinity, femininity, and sex. Sociology of Health and Illness, 17: 206-21. Lantz, J., Fullerton, J. and Harshburger, R. (2001). Promoting screening and early detection of cancer in men. Nursing and Health Sciences, 3: 189-196. Lee, C. and Owens, R. (2002). Issues for a psychology of mens health. Journal of Health Psychology, 7: 209-357. Nicholas, D. (2000). Men, masculinity, and cancer: Risk-factor behaviors, early detection, and psychosocial adaptation. Journal of American College Health, 49: 27-33. NSO (2004a). National Statistics; Gender; Health: Women Live almost 5 years longer than men. National Statistics Online. Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 23 March, 2005 at http://www.statistics.gov/uk/cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=438 NSO (2004b). National statistics; Gender; Health related behavior: More overweight men than women. National Statistics Online. Retri eved from the World Wide Web on 23 March, 2005 at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=439 NSO (2004c). National statistics; Health; Health expectancy: Living longer, more years in poor health. National Statistics Online. Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 23 March, 2005 at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=918 Peate, L. (2004). Mens attitudes towards health and the implications for nursing care. British Journal of Nursing, 13: 13-26. Sabo, D. (2000). Mens health studies: Origins and trends. Journal of American College Health, 49: 133-142. Seymour-Smith, S., Wetherell, M., and Pheonix, A. (2002). My wife ordered me to come: A discursive analysis of doctors and nurses accounts of mens use of general practitioners. Journal of Health Psychology, 7: 253-67. Williams, D. (2003). The health of men: Structured inequalities and opportunities. Public Health Matters, 93: 724-31.